Despite recent scholarship on the ubiquity of Arctic images within 19th century British culture, British Arctic exploration as an imperial enterprise has not been adequately analysed. Using Edward Said's examination of imperial discourses as a critical foundation, I treat 19th century Arctic exploration narrative as an imperialist project, arguing that its affiliated "dialects" of science and religion run parallel to Britain's dialects in other, more recognized parts of the empire. Analysing the effectiveness of British imperial discourse to contain explorers' experiences in the Arctic, however, I argue that the discursive obligations placed on explorers to reconcile their northern experiences with a domestically-generated heroic ideal produced texts that were radically ambivalent. Because they were restricted in their representations of exploration, explorers were unable to account fully for their experiences in the North, and were forced to rely on Natives — and particularly Inuit — voices for both subject matter and narrative drive. This thesis identifies two distinct phases in Arctic exploration discourse — and — the division between the two being the British reception of the Inuit testimony regarding the lost Franklin expedition, which, according to Inuit, succumbed to cannibalism before perishing. Within the first phase of Arctic exploration, writing remains ambivalent as it negotiates between expressing imperial enthusiasm for the project and presenting a realistic picture of explorers' Arctic experiences.
L'Empire colonial Britannique
Les secrets de la royauté (1/5) - Quel est le vrai pouvoir de la reine Elizabeth?
Since the s historians of the second British Empire have been seeking to redefine their field in ways that would give it continuing relevance. Unfortunately, in the process, they have lost sight of one of the most important components of the nineteenth-century empire. Even the most promising of the new approaches — the effort to reintegrate imperial history with domestic British history — is flawed by the failure to recognize, as J. Pocock has insisted, that Greater Britain included not only the British Isles but also the British colonies of settlement. Because historians of the second British Empire no longer have much interest in colonization, they have glossed over the differences between the colonies formed in the first wave of European expansion prior to and those formed during the much larger second wave that commenced in and they have underestimated the long-term significance of those colonies in helping to shape the sense of identity held by the British at home. But historians of the colonies of settlement must also take some of the responsibility for this myopia because they have lost sight of the significance of the empire to those Britons who established themselves abroad in the nineteenth century. In fact, Canadian historians have locked themselves into a teleological framework which is obsessed with the evolution of Canadian autonomy and the construction of a Canadian national identity and thus downplayed the significance of the imperial experience in shaping the identity of nineteenth-century British Canadians.
Histoire du drapeau britannique (document en anglais)
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As fascinated as he was worried by Germany which continuously grew stronger, he intensely advocated against democracy, the French Revolution, internationalism and liberalism. A plaza is named after him at the heart of the 7th arrondissement of Paris. Raymond Aron retrospectively endorsed Bainville's judgment that the "Versailles Treaty was too harsh in its mild features, too mild in its harsh aspects": provoking Germany to seek vengeance without restraining it from doing so. By consolidating Germany, he warned that the treaty established an untenable situation whereby "40 million Frenchmen have as debtors 60 million Germans, whose debt cannot be liquidated for 30 years".